Romania Gothica II The Frontier World Romans, Barbarians and Military Culture The Romania Gothica Conference Organising Committee: Isabella Baldini (Bologna), Salvatore Cosentino (Ravenna), Cristina Delaplace (Toulouse), Joan Pinar Gil (Barcelona), Tivadar Vida (Budapest) ROMANIA GOTHICA II The Frontier World Romans, Barbarians and Military Culture Proceedings of the International Conference at the Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, 1–2 October 2010 TIVADAR VIDA (ed.) with assistance from PHILIP RANCE (English language editor) and ADRIEN BLAY, ISTVÁN KONCZ, LEVENTE SAMU Eötvös Loránd University Institute for Archaeological Sciences Martin Optiz Kiadó Budapest, 2015 The conference and this volume were supported by: Hungarian Academy of Sciences National Cultural Fund of Hungary Eötvös Loránd University ISBN 978-963-984-601-9 © Institute of Archaeological Science at the Eötvös Loránd University H – 1088 Budapest, Múzeum krt. 4/B © Martin Opitz Kiadó © Editors, Authors, Translator 2015 All rights reserved. The Autors are responsible for the illustrations used in their studies Front cover Diptych of Stilicho as magister militum in chlamys with tunica Museo del Duomo e Biblioteca Capitolare, Monza Back cover Stilicho’s sword with inlaid gemstone (István Bóna: Das Hunnenreich. Corvina – Konrad Theiss Verlag: Budapest-Stuttgart 1991, 34. Abb. 11.) Cover design: Michelle Beghelli and Dr. Erika Vecchietti (BraDypUS, Bologna) Layout and desktop editing: AbiPrint Kft., Budapest Printed by: Kódex Könyvgyártó Kft., Budapest CONTENTS CONTENTS VORWORT / FOREWORD VIDA, TIVADAR: ”Gothia quod Romania fuisset” 9 ATHAULF UND SEINE ZEIT / ATHAULF AND HIS AGE BRATOŽ, RAJKO Athaulf zwischen Pannonien und Rom 15 RANCE, PHILIP quam gentilitate appellant. The Philological Evidence for Germani in the Late Roman Army: Germanic Loanwords in Roman Military Vocabulary 51 KISS, ATTILA P. Per arma adoptio. Eine gotische Sitte in den frühmittelalterlichen schriftlichen Quellen 95 BARBARISCHE KRIEGER UND FÜRSTEN / BARBARIAN WARRIORS AND PRINCES KAZANSKI, MICHEL La tombe „princière” de l’époque hunnique à Conceşti et son contexte historique et culturel 111 TEJRAL, JAROSLAV Spätantike Körperbestattungen mit Schwertbeigabe in römisch-barbarischen Grenzzonen Mitteleuropas und ihre Deutung 129 EGER, CHRISTOPH Zur Deutung reich ausgestatteter Männergräber des mittleren 5. Jhs. im Mittelmeerraum 237 SÖLDNER IM RÖMISCHEN UND BYZANTINISCHEN HEER / MERCENARIES IN THE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ARMY MRÁV, ZSOLT Maniakion − The Golden Torc in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Army. Preliminary Research Report 287 QUAST, DIETER Zwiebelknopffibeln im Barbaricum nördlich der mittleren und unteren Donau 305 TÓTH, ENDRE Typologie der nicht gegossenen Zwiebelknopfibeln 329 MIGRATION UND IDENTITÄT / MIGRATION AND IDENTITY BIERBRAUER, VOLKER Vom Schwarzmeergebiet bis nach Pannonien. Ethnische Interpretationsprobleme am Ende des 4. und in der ersten Hälfte des 5. Jahrhunderts 365 5 LÓPEZ QUIROGA, JORGE ¿‘Barbares danubiens’ en Hispania au Vème siècle? Gentes ‘étrangers’ et armées ‘romaines’ en Péninsule Ibérique 477 BARBAREN AUF RÖMISCHEM BODEN: WEGE DER INTEGRATION / BARBARIANS ON ROMAN TERRITORY: METHODS OF INTEGRATION KLEEMANN, JÖRG Hospes: Archäologische Aspekte zur Integration von Barbaren in das römische Imperium. Eine vergleichende Betrachtung zur Beigabensitte in gallischen und pannonischen Provinzen 499 PINAR GIL, JOAN A Note on Female Clothing in 5th-Century Southern Gaul 517 DE VINGO, PAOLO 5th–Century Danubian foedera and foederati and their Consequences for the Late Antique Roman Political-Institutional Framework HARALAMBIEVA, ANNA East Germanic Heritage on the Western Littoral of the Black Sea. Bow-Brooches of the Types Szekszárd-Palánk and Udine-Planis as Archaelogical Evidence 557 577 GRENZZONEN IN DEN PROVINZEN PANNONIA UND DACIA / FRONTIER ZONES IN THE PROVINCES OF PANNONIA AND DACIA TOMKA, PÉTER: Eine römische Stadt und ihre barbarische Peripherie: Scarbantia 587 HEINRICH-TAMÁSKA, ORSOLYA—STRAUB, PÉTER Zur Datierung und Deutung der Gräber und Gräberfelder des 5. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. in Pannonia Prima und Valeria 617 IVANIŠEVIĆ, VUJADIN The Danubian Limes of the Diocese of Dacia in the 5th Century 679 SPÄTANTIKE TRANSFORMATIONEN / LATE ANTIQUE TRANSFORMATIONS VIRÁGOS, RÉKA Post-Roman Landscape in Pannonia: 5th-Century Archaeological Sites 669 MILAVEC, TINA: The 5th-Century Changes: the Glass Perspective 679 OTTOMÁNYI, KATALIN: Veränderungen des Töpferhandwerks in der ersten Hälfte des 5. Jhs. anhand der Keramik der Befestigung Visegrád-Gizellamajor 691 Abkürzungen/Abbrevations 741 Authoren/Authors 745 6 CONTENTS Teilnehmer der Konferenz / Conference Participants: Erste Reihe von links/ First row, from left: Paolo de Vingo (Torino), Michel Beghelli (Trento/Mainz), Zuzana Loskotová (Brno), Jaroslav Tejral (Brno), Philip Rance (München), Tivadar Vida (Budapest), Volker Bierbrauer (München), Eduard Droberjar (Hradec Králové), Dieter Quast (Mainz), Joan Pinar Gil (Barcelona), Péter Tomka (Győr) Zweite Reihe von links/ Second row, from left: Bojan Dumanov (Sofia), Jörg Kleemann (Berlin), Éva Steigberger (Wien), Christoph Eger (Damaskus/ Berlin), Vujadin Ivanišević (Beograd), Réka Virágos (Budapest), Ágnes B. Tóth (Szeged/Budapest), Attila P. Kiss (Szeged), Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska (Leipzig), Zsolt Mráv (Budapest), János Ódor (Szekszárd), Eszter Mitcsenkov-Horváth (Budapest), Toni Juárez Villena (Barcelona), Rajko Bratož (Ljubljana), Michel Kazanski (Paris), Jorge López Quiroga (Madrid), Péter Prohászka (Esztergom) 7 8 MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY M A NI A K ION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE AR M Y Preliminary Research Report Zsolt Mráv The torc or maniakion has been the subject of several studies yielding different conclusions, but it is generally accepted that it was introduced to the Roman army by the Gauls and Persians. The Romans adopted the torc, but progressively gave it a more specific significance as a military decoration and then as a mark of office. In the army of the Principate the torc had been worn by allied and then auxiliary soldiers around the neck,1 like the “guerrier de Vachères”,2 or as a military decoration, awarded normally in pairs and – in contrast with the barbarian fashion – attached to armour.3 In the early 3rd century, the traditional system of dona militaria was replaced by the cash praemium.4 The only decoration reintroduced in the late 3rd century was the torc, known from inscriptions of milites torquati dated to this period.5 Vegetius listed them among the principales, as an established rank (Veget. 2,7).6 In the late Roman army this type of dona militaria was still awarded for bravery, as clearly attested by Prudentius’ Peristephanon (1, 64), composed around A.D. 400.7 Late Ro- Fig. 1. Missorium of Theodosius (Maman standard-bearers and guardsmen also wore torcs, as drid, Real Academia de la Historia), demonstrated by many items of literary and iconographiguardsmen (after GrÜnhagen 1954) cal evidence.8 According to M. P. Speidel, the aureos torques in the late Roman period may not have been a unique privilege of standard-bearers, mainly draconarii,9 but also of the emperors’ guardsmen. These soldiers were chosen from among those who had already received the torc as a reward for their bravery (Fig. 1).10 Although many scholars have discussed the role and function of torcs from different points of view (for instance in connection with the iconography of warrior saints11 and guardsmen,12 as military decoration13 or “Torqueskrönung”14), they based their conclusions on literary sources and only selec1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Beck–Chew 1991, 68–69. Espérandieu 1907, 38 n. 35; Barruol 1996, 1–12; Adler 2003, 353–354 (with further literature). Maxfield 1981, 86–88; Adler 2003, 131-137, 210–213. Maxfield 1981, 248–254; Speidel 1996, 235. Wesch-Klein 1994, 126–127; Speidel 1996, 236. Wesch-Klein 1994, 126–127; Speidel 1996, 236. Speidel 1985, 285; Wesch-Klein 1994, 128 Anm. 50; Speidel 1997, 295-299. Maxfield 1981, 252-253; Speidel 1985, 284-286. Amm. 20, 4, 18; Prudentius, Peristephanon 1.33-35 – cf. Speidel 1985, 283-287; Speidel 1996, 237; Walter 2001, 182. Speidel 1996, 237-238. Walter 2001; Walter 2003, 153–155; Grotowski 2009, 294–300. Frank 1969, 139; Speidel 1996, 235-243; Von Rummel 2007, 225–227. Maxfield 1981, 86-88; Adler 2003, 131-137, 210-213; Speidel 1996. AlfÖldi 1935, 52–54; Ensslin 1942, 268–298; Frank 1969, 160–162; MacCormack 1990, 194–196, 241-242; Kolb 2001, 100–102; Von Rummel 2007, 120–127. 287 ZSOLT MRÁV ted representations, while none of them has collected all the sources referring to torcs in late Roman military contexts.15 In the first part of my contribution I intend to focus on some newly identified torcrepresentations that have not previously been discussed in this context and on the problem of actual torc finds connected to the late Roman army. In the second part I attempt to classify torc-iconography briefly and to make a preliminary typochronology based on their representations. THE DECENNALIA BASE, ROMAN FORU M A relief in the forum Romanum depicts the rite of the suovetaurilia, the latest representation in Roman state art. The monument is one of the column bases that celebrated Diocletian’s vota vicennalia and Maximianus’ triumph in A.D. 303.16 The right-hand popa, with an axe over his shoulder, wears a collar with a disc-shaped pendant adorned with a bust (Fig. 2). H. P. L’Orange and S. Ryberg identified this as a bulla, in spite of their statement that this amulet “is an unusual detail that has no evident connection with the sacrifice”.17 Moreover, the pendant cannot be a bulla, because its wearer is neither a child, nor a women.18 The collar is circular, so the pendant hangs not from a leather strap or necklace, but is attached directly to a metal hoop. The joint sacrifice of a bull, a sheep and a pig, offered only to Mars, was part of a traditional religious rite in the Roman army, the lustratio exercitus, which was carried out in connection with the lustration of camps or on the occasion of a triumph.19 In late Roman times the ceremonies of periodic vota were regularly made to coincide with the celebration of a triumph and ended with a lustral rite.20 That is why the scene was represented on a column base conmemorating the vota decennalia of the Caesars. The victimarii, who executed the military rite of the suovetaurilia, were regular soldiers.21 Some inscriptions prove that they served in legions, like C. Iulius Firminus in the XXX Ulpia Victrix,22 or in the fleet, like L. Va- 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 Fig. 2. The suovetaurilia scene of the Decennalia base in the Roman forum (after L’Orange 1938) Werde 1972, 85–87; Speidel 1996, 236-237; Martin 1999, 115–117; Walter 2001, 181–186; Adler 2003, 72. L’Orange 1938, 1–34; Ryberg 1955, 117. Ryberg 1955, 117. For the wearing of bullae in the Roman period, see: Goette 1986, 133–164; in the Pannonian provinces: Migotti 2007, 187–219. Domaszewski 1893, 19–21. Ryberg 1955, 119. Domaszewski–Dobson 1967, 14, 16, 19, 24, 27, 52; Haensch 2006, 209. CIL XIII 8292 (from the river Rhine near Cologne): C. Iulio Firmino | victimario | mil(iti) leg(ionis) XXX U(lpiae) V(ictricis) | Agrip(inensi) stip(endiorum) XXVIII | et | M. Aurelio Antiocho mil(iti) | leg(ionis) XXX U(lpiae) V(ictricis) h(eres) f(aciendum) c(uravit) – see also: CIL VIII 18085 e 4 (legio III Augusta). 288 MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY lerius Victor.23 Besides the laterculi of the urban cohorts24 and the vigiles,25 victimarii are also listed in the laterculi of the imperial bodyguards, among the guardsmen of the praetorian cohorts26 and the equites singulares Augusti.27 Most probably these soldiers, as constant members of the imperial escort, carried out the sacrifices in the presence of emperors. After the army reforms of Diocletian, the rank of victimarius – or the scope of their duties – must have been preserved in the army of the Tetrarchy or at least in the bodyguard units of the religiosissimi Augusti, as Diocletian and Maximianus called themselves on a pagan sacral inscription.28 According to the inscription of L. Valerius Victor, who was a victimarius principalis, the victimarius as a specialist belonged to the ranks of under-officers, the milites principales,29 like the decorated rank of torquatus mentioned by Vegetius.30 The preceding discussion makes it clear that the torc-wearer in the latest suovetaurilia relief may have been an under-officer of the Tetrarchic army, a victimarius and at the same time a miles torquatus, who earned his neckband in the emperor’s service, most probably during his former career. He was obviously proud of having won a neckband, which was not a bulla, but an awarded torc with a rounded pendant, a form also known from later depictions. The human bust clearly recognizable at its centre can be identified with great certainty not as a specific deity, but as one of the current emperors, Diocletian or Maximianus. Fig. 3. Guardsmen of Justinian on The image of the emperor in military dress is also engraved on the Donation mosaic of San Vitale, Ravenna the torc-gemstone of a guardsman in the Donation mosaic in San Vitale, Ravenna, depicting Justinian and his escort (Fig. 3).31 M. P. Speidel has previously supposed Constantine’s Arch to have been the first known monument on which such neckbands are depicted,32 but according to my argumentation this was rather the Tetrarchic column base in the Roman forum. Another relief, which came to light in Merida, Spain, must belong to a triumphal monument, commemorating Maximianus’ victory over the Franks and Moors in A.D. 296/297 (Fig. 4).33 The reliefed slab, dated around A.D. 300, depicts the emperor as a triumphal horseman, alongside a tropaeum with chain armour and, above it, a simple torc. On late imperial state reliefs the tropaea are often equipped with not only barbarian but also Roman militaria, as, for instance, on the contemporary votive column base in Rome. It cannot be excluded that the torc of the Merida relief is also a Roman, rather than a Frankish or Moorish neckband. Some literary sources, mainly passiones, give further direct information about the significance of neckbands in the army of the Tetrarchs. Besides the well-known Passio of Saints Sergius and Bacchus,34 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 CIL X 3501 = ILS 2875 (Misenum). CIL VI 32522 d 2. 8 (A.D. 209). CIL VI 1056, cf. p. 4320 (3) 11 (A.D. 205); CIL VI 1057, cf. p. 4320 (3) 4 (A.D. 205); CIL VI 1058, cf. p. 4320 (3) 14 (A.D. 210). CIL VI 32533, cf. p. 3834, 4351 (= ILS 431) b 24 (A.D. 209). CIL VI 31149 = ILS 4833 (A.D. 141). CIL III 4413 (Carnuntum); Vorbeck 1980, 293. Domaszewski–Dobson 1967, 14, 16, 19, 24, 27, 52; Haensch 2006, 209. Wesch-Klein 1994, 127; Speidel 1996, 236. Hauck 1959, 28–40. Speidel 1996, 237–238. Arce 1982, 359-371; Arce 2008, 47–70. van den Gheyn 1895. 289 ZSOLT MRÁV Fig. 5. Alsóheténypuszta (County of Tolna, Hungary), late Roman inner fortress. Lead seal of Constantius II, which was probably used as a signaculum on the collar of a late Roman soldier (Hungarian National Museum, photo: Zs. Mráv) the Acts of Maximilianus deserve special attention.35 During his enlistment, upon the order “milita et accipe signaculum” from the governor Dion, Maximilianus refused the signaculum, because “iam habeo signum Christi Dei mei” and “ego Christianus sum, non licet plumbum collo portare”. These words clearly show that, during the rite of the sacramentum militiae, recruits were marked with a lead object worn around the neck, which – like Fig. 4. Merida. Relief commemorating Maximianus’ the canditati-type torcs – probably featured the victory over the Franks and Moors in 296/297 (after Arce 1982) name and image of the emperor.36 This may have been the religious grounds for Maximilianus’ refusal to accept it. For practical reasons and owing to its lead material, these objects could not be proper torcs, but special collars closed by a lead signaculum. Consequently, they must have been produced in large numbers and ought thus to be represented among the archaeological finds of the period. These characteristics can be observed only on a special series of late antique lead seals decorated with Christograms or with the emperor’s portraits and name in the exergue (Fig. 5). 35 36 Ruinart 1859, 340–342 – cf. Gáspár 1982, 66–68. DÖlger 1930, 268–270 – cf. Ambr. De obit. Valent. 58 (PL. 16.1437. C.). 290 MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY THE GOLDEN MEDALS OF CONSTANTIUS II Further iconographical evidence is provided by the reverse side of the Berlin golden medal issued by Constantius II, where the emperor is represented in his triumphal chariot flanked by two Victories (Fig. 6).37 In the lower segment, among the largitio gifts, such as precious metal leaves, crowns and a moneybag in the centre, six obscure hoop-shaped golden objects can be seen, placed one over the other (Fig. 6b). An analogous depiction can be seen in the near-contemporary golden medal, now in the collection of the Hermitage, Saint Petersburg (Fig. 7).38 The hoops, in this case appearing on the left side of the central money-bag, are very worn. The segment of the golden medal of Valens from the first Szilágysomlyó hoard (Fig. 8)39 and a silver medal of Honorius (Fig. 9)40 have a near-identical composition to that of the Berlin medal, but the wreaths and hoops are barely discernible, as a later replication simplified Fig. 6. The Berlin golden medal issued by Constantius II (after Gnecchi 1912) photo: Zs. Mráv) Fig. 9. 37 38 39 40 Fig. 7. The golden medal of Constantius II in the collection of the Hermitage, Saint Petersburg (after Bank 1986) The silver medal of Honorius (after Gnecchi 1912) Fig. 10. Fig. 8. The golden medal of Valens from the first Szilágysomlyó hoard (after Seipel [Hrsg.] 1999) The silver dish from Kerch depicting the triumph of Constantius II (after Bank 1986) Gnecchi 1912, 29 Constanzo II/4, Tav. 11.1 = Cohen 8/29. “al l’esergo armi e simboli fra le lettere A e N”. It was kept in “Gabinetto di Francia”, Berlin. Diameter.: 4,7 cm, weight: 40.300 g.– cf. DelbrÜck 1929, 69 Abb. 25. Gnecchi 1912, 29 Constanzo II/2, Tav. 10.8 (diameter: 4,9 cm; weight: 41.900 g) – cf. Blank 1986, p. 272 fig. 9. Gnecchi 1912, 36.Valente/1, Tav. 15.1.= Cohen 1/1 – cf. Harhoiu 1993, 225 Nr. 8; Seipel 1999, 180–182, Kat. Nr.7. For a silver medal of Honorius, see: Gnecchi 1912, 82 Onorio/1, Tav. 36.15 (Vienna) = Cohen 4/17. 291 ZSOLT MRÁV them into flat rings. Nevertheless, let us return to the best-preserved Berlin medal in order to define these hitherto unexamined hoops: the flat regular rings have almost the same diameter as the wreaths, and in the middle of the frontal, lower curve, they are decorated with a round- or oval-shaped, bulged attachment. The two curves of the hoop ended in the middle of its open back with small spherical bulges. These characteristics correspond to the well-defined group of so-called candidati-type torcs, which are shaped as a complete circle and have a precious stone as decoration at the front, as depicted around the neck of the guardsman on the Kerch largitio bowl, dated to the reign of Constantius II (Fig. 10).41 According to the theory proposed here, these hoops can be identified as golden torcs. The medals in question also testify beyond doubt that golden torcs were awarded by the emperor himself to soldiers of distinguished bravery and to new guardsmen, mainly on ceremonial occasions, such as triumphs or regnal anniversary feasts. Probably this ceremony or a later variation of it is mentioned in De Ceremoniis I,10, where a protospatharius knelt and kissed the emperor’s feet, while a torc, ornamented with gems, was placed around his neck.42 THE L A RGI T IO PLATE OF VALENTINIAN I OR II FROM GENEVA The relief scene on the silver largitio plate of Valentinian I or II from Geneva, Switzerland, shows the emperor in military costume, flanked on either side by three soldiers from his escort (Fig. 11).43 Although all the bodyguards in the scene are represented wearing torcs, as pointed out by Ph. von Rummel,44 it is the lower section of the plate that provides the next piece of evidence. With the exception of three scholars, every discussion of this largitio plate has described only three military objects under the postament of the emperor: an oval shield, a long spatha with cross-piece and a helmet (Table 1). Fig. 11. 41 42 43 44 The largitio plate of Valentinian I or II from Geneva (after Baratte 1989) Fig. 12. The lower segment of the Geneva largitio plate depicting military symbols (a. after DelbrÜck 1933; b. after Baratte 1989) and the drawing of the enigmatic fourth object DelbrÜck 1933, 147–151, Abb. 45–47, Taf. 57; Blank 1986, p. 271 fig. 1 (with further literature). Walter 2001, 183. Deonna 1920, 18–32, 92–104; Deonna 1921, 242-304; DelbrÜck 1933, 179; GrÜnhagen 1954, 18; Von Rummel 2007, 348-349. 292 MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY The recognized objects in the lower segment by different scholars The fourth item W. Deonna (Deonna 1920, 31.) “Au bas de l’estrade on aperçoit les armes des vaincus, casque, bouclier, épée au foureeeau muni de son ceinturon que termine un gland.” belt R. Delbrück (DelbrÜck 1933, 181.) “Im Segment, d. h. vor dem Suggestus, liegen Waffen; von links nach rechts folgen sich: ein Bogen, schwach aber deutlich; ein jetzt glatter ovaler Schild ohne Kennzeichen; ein langes, gerades Schwert mit schlichtem Griff, Gürtel und einem von dessen Schnalle (?) herabhängenden dünnen Riemen, der unten ein spitzkugeliges Gewicht zum Anfassen trägt; ein römischer Helm Wangenklappen...” belt M. Schulze (Schulze 1980, 60. Nr. 48.) “Zu Füßen des Kaisers liegen seine Waffen: Schild, Speer und Helm” – S. MacCormack (MacCormack 1981, 205.) “Beneath the podium are to be seen a shield, a baton and a helmet, tokens of the conquered enemy”. – F. Baratte (Baratte 1989, 271-272. No. 236.) “A l’exergue, un bouclier, une grande épée et un casque.” – C. Compostella (Compostella 1990, 44.) “Nell’esergo giacciono delle armi: un arco, uno scudo ovale privo di decorazioni, una spada, una cintura e un elmo con copriguance.” belt A. Arbeiter (Arbeiter 1997, 158.) “Kriegsgerät, nämlich ein Schild, ein Schwert und ein Helm, liegt auch in dem Segment zu Füßen der Gruppe.” - Ph. von Rummel (Rummel 2007, 349.) “ ... zu Füßen des Kaisers seine Waffen, Helm, Schild und Schwert.” - Table 1. Largitio plate of Valentinian I or II from Geneva. The military objects under the postament of the emperor as decribed by different scholars Some scholars, for instance M. Schulze45 and Ph. von Rummel,46 explained these militaria as the emperor’s own weaponry. This opinion can surely be excluded, as the emperor already had another and different type of sword in this period. Moreover, the helmet depicted is classified as an Intercisa type infantry helmet, worn in this scene by the guardsmen, which differs from the lavishly decorated, partially open battle helmet of late Roman emperors. S. MacCormack has supposed that the militaria were “tokens of the conquered enemy”,47 but nevertheless the helmet surely represents a late Roman type.48 In any case, in the lower segment of the plate, probably as a result of a former restoration or cleaning, only these three items are now visible (Fig. 12a). Surprisingly, in some old black-and-white photographs taken before its drastic cleaning, an additional enigmatic fourth object (Fig. 12b-c) can be clearly seen. Due to the current very worn and overpolished surface of the plate, almost nobody recognised this object. Only W. Deonna and R. Delbrück,49 followed by C. Compostella, described and attempted to interpret it, in all cases as a military belt.50 If we read the very detailed description by Delbrück, it becomes understandable why the object could not be defined as a belt, and besides there are no analogous pieces among 4th-century military belt-types. It is therefore more probable that the object in question is a torc. This view is supported by its size and diameter compared to the helmet, 45 46 47 48 49 50 Schulze 1980, 60 Nr. 48. Von Rummel 2007, 349. MacCormack 1981, 205. Miks 2008, 455–456 Abb. 6. DelbrÜck 1933, 181. Compostella 1990, 44. 293 ZSOLT MRÁV Fig. 13. Venus from the so-called Projecta casket of the Esquiline Treasure (after Kent – Painter 1977) Fig. 14. 51 52 53 54 which would be too small for a belt, but this identification is also confirmed by its form. A circular pendant attached to a neckband by a long chain or strap (?) is not without parallels in late Roman contexts. As a female jewel, for instance, it appears on a Néreid from the so-called Projecta casket of the Esquiline Treasure.51 (Fig. 13) More importantly, this type of torc can be clearly recognised in the Notitia Dignitatum, among the insignia of the magister officiorum.52 The military objects depicted in the lower section include a white dalmatica with a similar type of torc around its neck (Fig. 14). It is also possible that the late Roman soldier represented in the expositio thoracomachi wears such a neckband (Fig. 15).53 If my argumentation is correct, this would mean that, in the lower scene of the largitio plate, in addition to the depicted helmet, sword and shield, the torc becomes a fourth symbol of the status of a soldier or guardsman. In the Passio of Saints Sergius and Bacchus, the martyrs, as primicerii of Maximinus Daia’s schola gentilium, refused to worship the gods, so they were stripped of their military insignia and their maniakia were removed.54 Consequently they were often, though not always, represented wearing torcs. Since we lack any analogies, we should leave open the question whether the torc and the pendant suspended from it were the above-mentioned lead Notitia Dignitatum, insignia of the magister officiorum (Ms. Landi 9 after Milano) Kent–Painter 1977, 44 n. 88. NotDign. insignia viri ill. mag. officiorum (Ms. Landi 9, f.13r, f.67r. Piacenza, Bibliotheca Comunale Passerini Landi.) – cf. Milano 39–40 n. 1c.1c. For the representation of the expositio thoracomachi in an early medieval edition of Anonymous, De rebus bellicis ( Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris), see MacDowa–Embleton 1994, 45. – cf. Ubl 2006, 270-272; Sumner 2009, 171–174. van den Gheyn 1895, 371-395 – cf. Walter 2001, 183-184; Walter 2003, 153–155. 294 MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY signaculum received by Roman soldiers during the rite of the sacramentum militiae or rather a new type of golden torcs given as awards. Finally, some hitherto unrecognized examples should be briefly noted. In the Cambridge drawings of the base of the destroyed Column of Arcadius in Constantinople, specifically on its southern face, to the right of the emperors’ escort, stand two soldiers depicted wearing torcs with a single gemstone (Fig. 16.a-b).55 The artist who drew this must have clearly seen this object around the neck of the soldiers, who were most probably serving Fig. 15. The expositio thoracomachi in an early mediin the imperial bodyguard. On an inscribed fueval edition of Anonymous, De rebus bellicis (Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris – after Macnerary slab from Aquileia, three engraved figures Dowal – Embleton 1994) demonstrate the life cycle of the soldier (Fig. 17). The first figure represents him as a soldier in full armament, wearing a torc with toothed leaf-shaped pendant: this is not surprising, since the inscription tells us that he was an ex-protector, a discharged guardsman.56 The torc-types that appear in different representations correspond to the torcs described in the literary sources. The surface of the hoop is either twisted, as on Constantine’s Arch57 and the torc described by Pseudo-Codinus (De Officiis 184), or more often flat. The so-called candidati-type torcs were made of gold and adorned with jewels at the front.58 This type can be classified into two main groups. To the first subtype belonged the torcs with inlaid and/or attached gemstones decorated often with the image Fig. 16 55 56 57 58 a. 16th-century drawing of the destroyed Column of Arcadius in Constantinople; b. soldiers wearing torcs (after Freshfield 1921-1922) Freshfield 1921-1922, Taf. 17; Kollwitz 1941, Beilag. 5. AE 1982, 383 = AE 1991, 772 = InscrAq 2913 –cf. Speidel 1990, 68-72; Vergone 2007, 291-295 n. 139 (with further literature). Speidel 1996, 237–239 Fig. 1. Zonaras 13, 10 – cf. Speidel 1996, 238–239. 295 ZSOLT MRÁV Fig. 17. An inscribed funerary slab from Aquileia depicting an ex-protector with torc looped around his neck (after Vergone 2007 of the current emperor (Typ I) (Fig. 18). A golden 4th-century neckband, with five inlaid precious stones of glass paste in the Centraal Museum, Utrecht (Fig. 19), may belong to this group.59 Based Fig. 18. Torcs with inlaid and/or attached gemstone (Typ I) (drawing Zs. Mráv) on its inscription, it was probably made in an imperial workshop.60 The earliest-represented examples show a single circular, oval or rhombic precious stone or glass paste at the middle of the frontal side (Typ. I.2a-d).61 This basic form of torc was partly taken up from Roman private, mostly female jewellery62 or less probably as an eastern influence from the iconography of Palmyrene deities. These torcwearing deities were often represented as Roman soldiers or officers in military costume after the 1st century A.D.63 Later, in the early Byzantine period, torcs ornamented with three or five jewels appear in the literary sources and in representations (Typ I.3a-b).64 The latest type had a larger central stone (or a golden medal?) and four additional but smaller stones (or coins in clustered construction?65) attached to it in a transversal position (Typ. I.4a-b),66 like the golden coins on the two gold bracelets of the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (Fig. 20).67 These large bracelets could have been wristbands (bracchialia), 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 Roes 1947, 183–187 fig. 4–5; Speidel 1996, 239 n. 23. Speidel 1996, 239 n. 23. For the Type I.1 see, for instance, the torc of the guardsmen on the silver dish from Kerch representing the triumph of Constantius II: Kent–Painter 1977, 25 n. 11; Blank 1986, 271 fig. 1. Torcs of Typ I.2a (with single, oval-shaped jewel): San Vitale in Ravenna, Donation mosaic: Hauck 1959, 28–40. Typ. I.2b (with rhombic jewel): votive mosaic portrait of Saint Sergius wearing a torc in Saint Demetrius, Thessaloniki: Cormack 1989, II n. 40. Typ I.2.c: Theodosius missorium, Madrid: Meischner 1996, 389–432. See note 78. See, for instance, the three Palmyrene deities (Malakbel, Aglibol with the god Baalshamin) in the Bir Wereb relief (Louvre, Paris): Drijvers 1976, Pl. XXXIV. Typ I.3a: icon representing Saint Sergius and Bacchus from Saint Catherine’s Monastery, Sinaï (now in Kiev): Blank 1986, 291 fig. 112–113. Typ I.3b: The Homiles of Gregory of Nazianzus, Paris graec. 510, f. 374v (Julian is represented sacrificing to the pagan gods, while behind him can be seen some soldiers of his bodyguard unit) – cf. Walter 2001, 183. Bruhn 1993, 30. Saint Sergius silver bowl, Cyprus: Kent–Painter 1977, Cat. n. 175, p. 69; Vienna Genesis, f. 18v. (miniature of Joseph interpreting Pharaoh’s dreams): Gerstinger no date, Pl. 36; Walter 2001, 182. Ross 1965, 44-46 n. 46 Pl. XXXVII - cf. Bruhn 1993, 30. For the pair of gold bracelets set with coin imitations from Assiûd, Egypt, see: Greifenhagen 1970, 71 Taf. 52.5–6. 296 MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY Fig. 19. The 4th-century golden neckband with five inlaid precious stones of glass paste in the Centraal Museum, Utrecht (after Roes 1947) Fig. 20. Fig. 22. Gold bracelet from the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (after Hendy – Bellinger 1999) The late Roman golden torc in the British Museum (after MacDowal – Embleton 1994) which became late Roman and early Byzantine battle awards and were also worn by under-officers, who were ranked as Fig. 21. Torc with pendants (Typ II) 68 bracchiati. (drawing Zs. Mráv) The second group comprises neckbands with different shapes of pendants suspended from them (Fig. 21). A golden torc from the British Museum must have belonged to this group (Fig. 22).69 It was quite certainly a late Roman military decoration, since it follows the tradition of the earlier dona militaria insofar as the two ends of the band end in a lion’s head.70 The hoops, clearly visible at the front, served for fastening a hinged, now lost pendant, which were never attached to the torcs awarded in the first two centuries. Circular, oval and drop-shaped pendants are common forms (Typ II.1a-b).71 The circular pendants, or at least some of them, could have been gold coins or medals with (openwork?) settings.72 In addition to the above-mentioned tombstone 68 69 70 71 72 Speidel 1996, 241–242. MacDowal–Embleton 1994, 17. Garbsch 1986, 336; Grabert–Koch 1986, 325-336; Springer 1993, 265-271 – cf. Adler 2003, 210–213. Typ II.1a (torcs with oval/circular-shaped pendants): Welschbillig, Germanic guardsmen: Wrede 1972, 85-87, Taf. 34.1, 35.1, 36.1, 37.2, 38, 39.1-2, 41.1; Typ II.1b (torcs with drop-shaped pendants): Diptychon (München, Staatsbibliothek): DelbrÜck 1929, 180–185 Nr. 45. Bruhn 1993, 30; Martin 1999, 115–117. 297 ZSOLT MRÁV Fig. 23. The Theodosian obelisk base in Constantinople, Roman guardsmen with torcs (after Bruns 1935) Fig. 24. 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 from Aquileia,73 the leaf-shaped torcs are known from other Theodosian monuments: from the obelisk base in Constantinople (Fig. 23)74 and on some hermae representing African guardsmen from Welschbillig (Fig. 24)75 (Typ II.2a-b). It is commonly argued that these leaves may have been ivy leaves, but in my opinion they are peony leaves, which had imperial purple-coloured flowers and were in Greek called theodonion.76 This word has a similar meaning to the name of Theodosios, and consequently the soldiers in the bodyguard of Theodosios were indirectly marked with the name of the emperor - but, of course, this theory is hardly provable. More probably the leaf-shaped pendants of the torcs imitated a popular late Roman pendant-type, which is exemplified by a silver neckband with large leaf-shaped pendant decorated with a Christogram, found in a child’s sarcophagus in Carnuntum (Fig. 25).77 The different types of torcs could also have been worn as personal jewels in the Roman Empire by women, children and slaves,78 as well as youths.79 The form of Hermae representing African guardsmen from Welschbillig (after Wrede 1972) Vergone 2007, 291–295 n. 139. Bruns 1935, 45 Abb. 44, 46–48, 62, 64–67, 77, 83. Wrede 1972, Taf. 38.1–2. Dictionnaire classique d’histoire naturelle. Tom. 16. Paris 1830, 223. Kandler 2004, 61–62 Abb. 45. A grave of a child from the Ságvár 4th-century cemetery (n. 219) yielded a similar torc with leaf-shaped pendant: Burger 1966, 122, 218. Wrede 1972, Taf. 53.4; Bruhn 1993; Walker–Bierbrier 1997, n. 90; Yeroulanou 1999, 31–42. Walter 2001, 181. 298 MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY these collars, often adorned with pendants, strongly resembles the torcs that were used in the late Roman army (Fig. 26). We can therefore conclude that the origin of the shape and form of the known military torcs was not Germanic, but purely Roman. The Roman emperors, beyond doubt, awarded to their brave soldiers and guardsmen only the previously described Roman types of torcs made in imperial workshops, and not Germanic types, as is clearly shown by the Berlin medal of Constantius II (Fig. 6). Consequently, the torcs of non-Roman decoration or technique – for instance, the neckbands from the princely burials at Gommern,80 Hassleben, Ostrovany/ Osztrópataka,81 Cejkov/Czéke,82 and Wrocуaw/Zakrów I and III83 – can hardly be explained as imperial gifts or Roman military decorations. This view is also supported by the conclusion of von Rummel’s monograph, Habitus Barbarus,84that the long-haired late Roman guardsmen with torcs looped around their necks are likely to be representations of Roman elite soldiers rather than hostile or allied barbarian warriors.85 Fig. 25. Silver neckband with a large leaf-pendant decorated with a Christogram from a child’s sarcophagus in Carnuntum (after Kandler 2004) Fig. 26 80 81 82 83 84 85 a. Child wearing a torc with pendant, finial of a tripod leg from Trier (after Wrede 1972); b. Torc with pendant, mummy portrait from Fayum (after Bruhn 1993); c. Funerary portrait from Fayum (Paris, Musée du Louvre, AF 6487 – after Yeroulanou 1999) Becker 2001, 129–130. Prohászka 2006, 43–46, 66–68. Beninger 1931, Taf. 8. Grempler 1887, Taf. V.21; id.: 1888, Taf. VII.14. Rummel 2007, 230–231. I am indebted to Philip Rance and András Szabó for improving my English. 299 ZSOLT MRÁV LI T ER AT U RE Adler 2003 AE AlfÖldi 1935 Arbeiter 1997 Arce 1982 Bank 1986 Baratte 1989 Barruol 1996 Beck–Chew 1991 Becker 2001 Beninger 1931 Bruhn 1993 Bruns 1935 Burger 1966 CIL Cohen Compostella 1990 Cormack 1989 DelbrÜck 1929 DelbrÜck 1933 Deonna 1920 Deonna 1921 Domaszewski 1893 Domaszewski– Dobson 1967 300 Adler, W.: Der Halsring von Männern und Göttern. Schriftquellen, bildliche Darstellungen und Halsringfunde aus West-, Mittel- und Nordeuropa zwischen Hallstatt- und Völkerwanderungszeit. Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Altertumskunde Bd. 78. (Bonn 2003). L’Année épigraphique, Paris. AlfÖldi, A.: Insignien und Tracht der römischen Kaiser. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 50 (1935) 1-171. Arbeiter, A.: Der Kaiser mit dem Christogrammnimbus. Zur silbernen Largitionsschale Valentinians in Genf. Antiquité Tardive 5 (1997) 153-167. Arce, J. J.: Un relieve triunfal de Maximiano Herculeo en Augusta Emerita y el Pap. Argent. Inv. 480. Madrider Mitteilungen 23 (1982) 359-371 = Mérida Tardoromana (300-580 d. Chr.), Cuadernos Emeritenses 22 (2008) 47-70. Bank, A.: L’art byzantine. (Léningrade 1986). Barette, F.: Missorium. In: Tresors d’orfevrerie gallo-romains. (Paris 1989) 271-272 no. 236. Barruol, G.: La satue du guerrier de Vachères (Alpes-de-Heute-Provence). Revue Archéologique de Narbonnaise 29 (1996) 1-12. Beck, F.–Chew, H.: Masques de fer. Un officier romain du temps de Caligula. (Paris 1991). Becker, M.: Bekleidung – Schmuck – Ausrüstung. In: S. Fröhlich (Hrsg.): Gold für die Ewigkeit. Das germanische Fürstengrab von Gommern. (Halle 2001) 127-147. Beninger, E.: Der Wandalenfund von Czéke-Cejkov. Annalen des Naturhistorischen Museums in Wien 45 (1931) 183-224. Bruhn, J.-A.: Coins and Costume in Late Antiquity. Dumberton Oaks Byzantine Collection Publications, No. 9. (Washington D. C. 1993.) Bruns, G.: Der Obelisk und seine Basis auf dem Hippodrom zu Konstantinopel. Istambuler Forschungen 7. (Istambul 1935). Sz. Burger, A.: The Late Roman Cemetery at Ságvár. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 18 (1966) 99-234. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. (Berlin 1863). Cohen, H.: Description historique des monnaies frappées sous l‘Empire Romain. 8 Vols. (Paris, 1880-92.) Compostella, C.: Missorium di Valentiniano I. In: Milano capital dell’impero romano 286-402 d.c. Milano 1990, 44 n. 1c.3c. Cormack, R.: The Church of Saint Demetrius. The Water-Colours of W. S. George. The Byzantine Eye. (London 1989). DelbrÜck, R.: Die Consulardiptychen und verwandte Denkmäler. Studien zur spätantiken Kunstgeschichte 2. (Berlin – Leipzig 1929). DelbrÜck, R.: Spätantike Kaiserporträts von Constantinus Magnus bis zum Ende des Westreichs. Studien zur spätantiken Kunstgeschichte 8. (Berlin – Leipzig 1933). Deonna, W.: Notes d’archéologie suisse VI. Le missorium de Valentinien. Anzeiger für Schweizerische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 22 (1920) 18– 32, 92–104. Deonna, W.: Les trésors d’orfèvrerie gallo-romains au musée d’art et d’histoire de Genève. Revue Archéologique 14 (1921) 242-304. von Domaszewski; A.: Lustratio exercitus. Archäologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungarn 16 (1893) 19-21. von Domaszewski, A.–B. Dobson: Die Rangordnung des römischen Heeres. (Köln – Graz 1967). MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY DÖlger 1930 Drijvers 1976 Ensslin 1942 Espérandieu 1907 Frank 1969 Freshfield 1921–1922 Garbsch 1986 Gáspár 1982 Gerstinger no date Gnecchi 1912 Goette 1986 Grabert – Koch 1986 Greifenhagen 1970 Grempler 1887 Grempler 1888 Grotowski 2009 GrÜnhagen 1954 Haensch 2006 Harhoiu 1993 Hauck 1954 Hauck 1959 Hendy – Bellinger 1999 InscrAq Kandler 2004 Kent–Painter 1977 Kolb 2001 Kollwitz 1941 L’Orange MacCormack 1990 DÖlger, F. J.: Sacramentum militia. Das Kennmal der Soldaten, Waffenschmiede und Wassrwächter nach Texten frühchristlicher Literatur. Antike und Christentum 2 (1930) 268-280. Drijvers, H. J. W.: The Religion of Palmyra. (Leiden 1976). Ensslin, W.: Zur Torqueskrönung und Schilderhebung bei Kaiserwahl. Klio 35 (1942) 268-298. Espérandieu, É.: Recueil Général des bas-reliefs de la Gaule Romaine. Bd. 1. (Paris 1907). Frank, R. I.: Scholae Palatinae. The Palace Guards of the Later Roman Empire. (Rome 1969). Freshfield, E. H.: Notes on a Vellum Album Containing some Original Sketches of Public Buildings and Monuments, Drawn by a German Artist who Visited Constantinople in 1574. Archaeologia 72 (1921-1922) 87-104. Garbsch, J.: Donatus torquibus armillis phaleris. Römische Orden in Raetien. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 51 (1986) 333-336. Gáspár, D.: Eskü a rómaiaknál és a sacramentum militiae. (Budapest 1982). Gerstinger, H.: Die Wiener Genesis. (Wien, no date). Gnecchi, F.: I medaglioni romani. Vol. I (Oro ed argento). (Milano 1912). Goette, H. R.: Die Bulla. Bonner Jahrbücher 186 (1986) 133-164. Grabert ,W.–Koch, H.: Militaria aus der villa rustica von Treuchtlingen-Weinbergshof. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 51 (1986) 325-336. Greifenhagen, A.: Schmuckarbeiten in Edelmetall. Bd. I. Fundgruppen. (Berlin 1970). Grempler, W.: Der Fund von Sackrau. (Brandenburg - Berlin 1887). Grempler, W.: Der II. und III. Fund von Sackrau. (Berlin 1888). Grotowski, P. Ł.: Arms and Armour of the Warrior Saints. Tradition and Innovation in Byzantine Iconography (843-1261). (Leiden 2009). GrÜnhagen, W.: Der Schatzfund von Gross Bodungen. Römische-Germanische Forschungen 21. (Berlin 1954). Haensch, R.: Pagane Priester des römischen Heeres im 3. Jahrhundert nach Christus. In: De Blois, L.–Franke, P.–Hahn, J. (eds.): The Impact of Imperial Romae on Religions, Ritual and Religious Life int he Roman Empire. (LeidenBoston 2006) 208-218. R. Harhoiu: Die Medaillone aus dem Schatzfund von Гimleul Silvaniei. Dacia 37 (1993) 221-236. Hauck , K.: Halsring und Ahnenstab als herrscherliches Würdezeichen. In: Schramm, P. E. (Hrsg.) Herrschaftzeichen und Staatssymbolik. Schriften der Monumenta Germaniae Historica 13/1. (Stuttgart 1954) 145-212. Hauck,K.: Un immagine imperiale a Ravenna non ancora identificata. Felix Ravenna 80 (1959) 28-40. Hendy, M.F.–A. R. Bellinger: Catalogue of the byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Wittemore Collection Vol 4.1. (Washington 1999). BRUSIN, J. B.: Inscriptiones Aquileiae Vol. I-III. (Udine 1991-1993.) Kandler, M.: Carnuntum. In: M. Šašel Kos, P. Scherrer (Hrsg.): Pannonia II. The Autonomous Towns of Noricum and Pannonia, Situla 42, Ljubljana 2004, 11-66. Kent, J. P. C.–K. S. Painter (Hrsg.): Wealth of the Roman World A D 300-700. (London 1977). Kolb, F.: Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike. (Berlin 2001). Kollwitz, J.: Oströmische Plastik der theodosianischen Zeit. Berlin 1941. L’Orange, H. P.: Ein tetrarchisches Ehrendenkmal auf dem forum Romanum. Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung 53 (1938) 1-34. MacCormack, S.: Art and Ceremony in late Antiquity. (Berkeley – Los Angeles – London 1990). 301 ZSOLT MRÁV MacDowal–Embleton 1994 Martin 1999 Maxfield 1981 Meischner 1996 Migotti 2007 Miks 2008 Prohászka 2006 Roes 1947 Ross 1965 Ruinart 1859 .Rummel 2007 .Ryberg 1955 Schulze 1980 Seipel 1999 Speidel 1985 Speidel 1990 Speidel 1994 Speidel 1996 Speidel 1997 Springer 1993 Sumner 2009 Ubl 2006 van den Gheyn 1895 Vergone 2007 Vorbeck 1980 Walker – Bierbrier 1997 Walter 2001 302 MacDowal, S.– Embleton, G.: Late Roman Infantryman 236-565 AD. Osprey Warrior Series 9. (London 1994). Martin, M.: 24 Scheiben aus Goldblech und 17 goldene Medaillons: eine „Gleichung” mit vielen Unbekannten. In: Seipel 1999, 113-119. Maxfield, V.A.: The Military Decorations of the Roman Army. London 1981. Meischner, J.: Das Missorium des Theodosius in Madrid. Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 111 (1996) 389-432. Migotti, B.: Rimska bula u Panoniji. Vjesnik Archeološkog Muzeja u Zagrebu 40 (2007) 187-219. Miks, Ch.: Spätrömische Kammhelme mit hoher Kammscheibe. Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums 55 (2008) 449-482. Prohászka, P.: Das vandalische Königsgrab von Osztropataka (Ostrovany, SK.). Monumenta Germanorum Archaeologica Hungariae 3. (Budapest 2006). Roes, A.: Some gold torcs found in Holland. Acta Archaeologica (København) 18 (1947) 175-187. Ross, M. C.: Catalogue of the Byzantine and early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection. Vol. 2. Jewelry, Enamels and Art oft he Migration Period. (Washington D. C. 1965.) Ruinart, Th.: Acta Martyrum. (Regensburg 1859. von Rummel, Ph.: Habitus barbarus. Kleidung und Repräsentation spätantiker Eliten im 4. und 5. Jahrhundert. Ergänzungsbände zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde Bd. 55. Berlin – New York 2007 Ryberg, S.: Rites of the State Religion in Roman Art. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 22. Michigan 1955. Schulze, M.: Valentinians-Schale. In: Gallien in der Spätantike. Von Kaiser Constantin zu Frankenkönig Childerich. Mainz 1980, 60 Nr. 48. Seipel, W. (Hrsg.): Barbarenschmuck und Römergold. Der Schatz von Szilágysomlyó. (Wien 1999). Speidel, M.P.: The Master of the Dragon Standards and the Golden Torc: An Inscription from Prusias and Prudentius’ Peristephanon. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 115 (1985) 283-287 = id., Roman Army Studies Vol II. Mavors VIII. (Stuttgart 1992) 390-395. Speidel, M. P.: The Army at Aquileia, the Moesiaci legion, and the shield emblems in the Notitia Dignitatum. Saalburg Jahrbuch 45 (1990) 68-72. Speidel, M. P.: Germanen in der kaiserlichen Leibgarde. In: Scardogli, B. és P., (a cura di), Germani in Italia. (Rom 1994) 151-157. Speidel, M. P.: Late Roman Military Decorations I. Neck- and Wristbands. Antiquité Tardive 4 (1996) 235-243. Speidel, M. P.: A Spanish Guardsman of Emperor Julian, Madrider Mitteilungen 38 (1997) 295-299. Springer, T.: Ein Hort von Dona Militaria und anderen persönlichen Wertgegenständen eines römischen Soldaten? Überlegungen zum Schatzfund aus Petescia in den Sabinerbergen. Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 25 (1993) 265-271. Sumner, G.: Roman Military Dress. (Gloucestershire 2009). Ubl, H. J.: Was trug der römische Soldat unter dem Panzer? Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 71 (2006) 261-276. van den Gheyn, I.: Passio antiquior Ss. Sergii et Bachi. Analecta Bollandiana 14 (1895) Vergone, G.: Le epigrafi lapidarie del Museo Palocristiano di Monastero (Aquileia). Antichità Altoadriatiche Monografie 3. (Trieste 2007). Vorbeck, E.: Zivilinschriften aus Carnuntum. (Wien 1980). Walker, S.– Bierbrier, M.: Ancient Faces. Mummy Portraits from Roman Egypt. (London 1997). Walter, Ch.: The maniakion or torc in Byzantine traditon. Revue des études byzantinnes 59 (2001) 179-192. MANIAKION – THE GOLDEN TORC IN THE LATE ROMAN AND EARLY BYZANTINE ARMY Walter 2003 Wesch-Klein 1994 Wrede 1972 Yeroulanou 1999 Walter, Ch.: The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition. (Aldershot – Burlington 2003). Wesch-Klein, G.: Der miles torquatus Aurelius Iovinus. Arheološki Vestnik 45 (1994) 123-129. Wrede, H.: Die spätantike Hermengalerie von Welschbillig. Römische-Germanische Forschungen 32. (Berlin 1972). Yeroulanou, A.: Diatrita. Gold pierced-work jewellery from the 3rd to the 7th century. (Athens 1999). 303